Nikolai Bukharin, Bringing Up the Young Generation. October 19, 1922
Original Source: Piatyi vserossiiskii s”ezd RKSM 11-19 oktiabria 1922 goda. Stenograficheskii otchet (Moscow-Leningrad, 1927), pp. 113-23.
The question of so-called communist morality is often raised. I consider such terminology and such an approach to be incorrect. As is known, by morality is always meant that norm or rule of behavior which has about it something of a fetish. They say “You must do so and so”–and nothing more. And quite naturally you will meet up with bourgeois morality, and bourgeois morality–its very heart–consists in this fetishism, this norm, which involves the subordination of human behavior to some authority, the sources of which, as well as the reasons for having to obey it, being quite unknown. It is this very thing which quite naturally evokes a protest, and therefore the most common and usual attitude to this problem–as soon as you begin speaking about such things-is the rather lighthearted “Oh, these sermons, the same old story!”
There is, of course, something healthy in this protest. It plainly shows that any fetishism for the working class and working youth must be eliminated. We must not tolerate what neither we nor anyone else can understand. We must destroy everything which goes beyond the bounds of rational cognition. From this point of view the fetishistic norms being foisted on us by the past must be destroyed. But on the other hand, I hold that the working class, and especially the working youth, need some rules of behavior. I think that these differ from morality in that they are not supported by some unknown and inexplicable norm.
I look upon this question of norms very simply and, it seems to me, very reasonably. For example, if we wish to achieve some aim (and we have until now proceeded from the assumption that we wish to achieve socialism), then in order to accomplish that aim we must undertake certain actions and not undertake others. If a joiner or carpenter has to make a stool, then he must perform certain definite body movements, he must plane, discard shavings, and not dance the “trepak.” If he dances the “trepak,” then he will not make stools. It is necessary to do one and not the other. It is the same thing in social life. If you wish to make socialism your aim, then you must construct this socialism, and in exactly the same way do just this one thing, and not another. If you do something which is called harmful, malicious, base, etc., then you will be like the joiner who dances, and does not build anything. You will be destroying and not building. Therefore it is natural that there must be certain definite rules of behavior for the working youth. If there are no such norms and rules, there will be nothing at all. We feel this at every turn. What is party discipline? It is a rule of behavior. But no one has gotten around to calling the rules of party discipline morals in the same way that the regulations of a cooperative store are not labeled as morals, although these are the norms which regulate the behavior of people. If we look at the question in this way (which I know many of the old and young comrades will not agree with, but I am only laying the theoretical foundations for what I will speak about later), then it follows that we are destroying fetishism and soberly going about our business. Do we wish to achieve socialism? Yes, we wish it. Then let’s act in a way to achieve it. What about this is incomprehensible? …
It is from such a non-fetishistic, absolutely sober, realistic and materialistic statement of the question that there follows the necessity of rules of behavior. They must exist. I protest against any moral trappings, but at the same time declare categorically that there must be rules for the working class, the proletarian party, especially for those still uncomplicated individuals, the working youth. It is perfectly natural that the significance of these rules must be intensified when we are surrounded by enemies. Overall, it is that which ties and binds and makes it possible to preserve an inner unity and to be a striking iron fist We know that in the conditions of the new economic policy, where there exist stores, taverns, etc., etc., the danger of dissolution or demoralization is extremely great, but it is similarly clear that some group or entity like your Union of Youth can be compared to this phenomenon, thanks to its unusually strong unity.
If cohesion is so important in the period of socialist revolution, then it is two times, four times, even ten times more indispensable during a period in the life of the working class and working youth when they find themselves in a petty-bourgeois environment, in a predatory capitalist encirclement..
It seems to me that as a transition point in this area it is necessary first of all to clarify the question of the adoption of the socialist ideal. We speak too little about socialism in its full meaning. For more coldly analytical thinkers, for more mature people, this is not so necessary; first, because they know what socialism is, and second, because they do not need that additional injection of inspiration to attune themselves to socialism. But for the more emotional youth, it is necessary to give more distinct expressions of full-scale socialism, to display the emotional side of the struggle for socialism and the socialist ideal in all its fullness, from the viewpoint of art, from the viewpoint of culture, from the viewpoint of the entire complex of human emotions. I repeat, the older comrades will smile about this, because they have gone through it all already. They have already eaten their fill and they forget that they have absorbed it, that it has penetrated their flesh and blood. In contrast, for the young, this side of the matter must be developed and cultivated just as the other side must be, which also proceeds along the lines of normative relations and along the lines of relations among people.
It is necessary to nurture an absolutely instinctive reaction of passionate hatred toward our class opponents. On the one hand, hatred of our enemies, on the other, a depiction of the socialist ideal as an immense unity. This must be the starting point in our work, which determines the rules of human behavior.
I ought to state further that it is necessary to cultivate various methods when you portray socialists. Here there should be rational proofs, as well as direct pictorial artistic portrayals. It is completely clear that from this should flow the unconditional necessity of all possible types of comradely solidarity. In order not to be limited by this general aim which the Komsomol has set forth, it is necessary, moreover, to nurture the feeling of comradeship in general. It is perfectly natural that the Union as a whole cannot meet this petty demand. We must advocate within the Union a system of all possible associations, circles, etc., which would themselves cultivate a feeling of comradeship and would be somewhat of an intermediate link between the person of a single Komsomol member on the one hand, and the entire mass of members of the organization of the Komsomol on the other hand. It seems to me that enormous significance must be attached to all the rules, that is to say, the “precepts” of the Komsomol. I know very well that this will encounter quite a few enemies among young people. They will say, “Why fix, why write and advance external signs, written precepts?” I hold that this is a prejudice…. I maintain that slogans which contain the rules of behavior and precepts which are put up on the walls are a positive thing, because they constantly remind us and constantly will agitate for and speak about that which we must be reminded of. I will allow myself a comparison, which at first glance does not seem to have any connection with this matter, a comparison with capitalist advertisement. Explain to me why it is that capitalists who desire to capture the market for their firms put their trade-mark on every kitchen pot? Why does this go on? It goes on because it is extraordinarily useful. The same with us. We must learn something from the capitalists. We have a whole series of rules of behavior which we wish to inculcate. And there is nothing wrong with this fixation, because otherwise we cannot acquire new personnel. What is surprising about this? What is bad about it? If we have such fixed rules, we will have more intensive work. We will have more intensive independent activity in all the basic parts of our organism. There will be a more conscientious attitude toward work.
Let us proceed to the issues of tobacco and alcohol. Here too stand a series of ancient prejudices.
Among us it is considered obligatory that every member of the Union goes around with four cigarettes at once, and responds scornfully toward anti-alcohol and anti-tobacco propaganda. I believe that this is a big mistake. I remember in the old days, when I studied in the gymnasium, we smoked as a form of demonstration, and it was even an established norm of behavior, which was useful from the social point of view, since by this small deed we destroyed the discipline of the old system. This was a protest against the organization of the school, a protest which carried over to the organization of all society. It was a rational means then: it was pleasant to pass under the nose of the supervisors with a cigarette in one’s mouth, and therefore all that was revolutionary in the old school supported this habit, mischievous as it might be. Socially it was a positive phenomenon, and therefore it was necessary to regard it with some respect. This triviality led to various revolutionary movements. Is there anything now which resembles these former conditions’? I think not. From the physiological point of view and from the viewpoint of upbringing, attraction to tobacco and alcohol are directly harmful. Why should we support smoking and laugh at anti-alcohol propaganda? It is an incorrect uncritical transfer of the methods of destruction of the bourgeois system to our own organism. It is my profound belief that groups must be created in the Union which will carry out a conscientious struggle with alcoholism and tobacco. There is no doubt in my mind about this.
The same needs to be said about sexual dissoluteness, which must be constrained. How to do this, I do not know at the moment and will not discuss now, but it is necessary for us, together with medical specialists and pedagogues, to consider and work out directives for the members of your Union.
I must still touch on some questions which go beyond the boundaries just stated. I think that we must nurture in members of the Union of Youth that which pertains to the area of any norms-party, class, Komsomol. For example, earlier it was the honor of a banner, the honor of the gentry class, etc. This must be cultivated among us. It must serve as an instrument of class pride, a sign of class adherence. You will say that all this is very strange. When in war they speak of the honor of the regiment or the honor of the banner, that is a very useful thing which binds forces and organizes them. We must have the same point of view in regard to all kinds of groups of the Komsomol, party, and class, beginning from that small cell to which we adhere, and ending with the most powerful organization to which we belong–our class, and then the Soviet state. Imagine that you are going abroad and that some bourgeois insults the Soviet Republic. It is necessary to put him down in one or another appropriate way. But he must be made to pay for it. Not with a feudal sword, since the class content is different here, although there is a formal resemblance, We must raise up a generation of youth who will defend the honor of their group, party, class and state and will allow no one to spit in their face, because it is only in the Russian proverb that it is said, “spit in a fool’s face and he’ll think it’s heavenly dew. ” Komsomols need not follow this. And this requires a very large effort. That nihilism which has been preached by some of our older comrades with respect to this is completely out of place.
The next point regards the intellectual education of young people.
I would like to emphasize several things which make up the heart of this matter. First, we must finally liquidate illiteracy among our working youth. This is a basic task which, unless solved, will make it very difficult to move forward. Then we must conduct communist education in two directions, in the direction of an elementary communist education of the broad mass of Komsomols, and along the lines of a higher level of education among your so-called activists, that is, your directing administrative personnel. It is particularly necessary to dwell on this latter point, because judging from the reports and accounts which I received for this paper, it appears that our personnel are, on the whole, quite politically illiterate and significantly lacking in Marxist education. You zealously manage practical matters and that is very good, but on the other hand, it is necessary to combine this great pragmatism, which must be fostered in you, with some general theoretical knowledge. This theoretical knowledge cannot be brushed away, especially for those who have been called upon by the will of history to replace the older generation in the governing of the country. After all, after some time you will be governing the country, and for this you must be able to orient yourselves during possible historical upheavals. Our party, having passed through Marxist school, has been able to hold firm because its staff of personnel, its leadership, having gone through Marxist school and having a good education, could predict events and easily maneuver all the sharp turns. The new generation has become confused, but for you perhaps, the future might hold in store a further series of even sharper turns. We have such a colossal range of events before us, such surprises on a world scale, that the greatest ability to correctly orient oneself is needed here. This will be done only by the good school of Marxist education. Much more attention must be given to this matter than has been up to now.
Communist youth is a reservoir which must in time place its workers in technical and other fields. It is necessary to remember that at the current time it is impossible to become attracted by a general universalism, whereby one thinks and imagines to oneself that he knows everything, when in fact he knows nothing well. It is necessary in all ways to strive in a more correct division of labor, to a conscientious study of some narrower basic areas. You must exactly and definitely say that each chooses for himself a definite area which he is studying to the end. You must be communists, and you must also receive a definite specialized qualification. You must be an engineer, a technician, a teacher of social sciences, a professor, or something else, but you must know this field thoroughly. If this does not happen, then you will have a dilettante government, one which will be reminiscent of the rulers of the nomadic period, when no one was responsible for anything, no one knew anything, and when everyone floundered around, as if this could help the conduct of affairs. Now special knowledge is necessary.
I now turn to the matter of intellectual and physical training. It is necessary to give the most profound attention to this side of the matter. All possible games and other things distinguished by the competitive principle are to be used for intellectual and physical training. You must pay particular attention to the organization of all possible games, problem solving, charades, chess and other things. Chess, however, plays a very strong role. One of our strongest chess players wrote a special book entitled Social Sciences and the Game of Chess, where he proves that chess gives great intellectual training. Great commanders and social activists have almost always played chess very well. Any game is to some extent a rehearsal for current actions and is a preparation, a training of the hand and mind. You must introduce the principle of competitiveness. You must conduct various contests in the quickness of problem solving, all kinds of football competitions, etc., with prizes and all such things. In all various clubs–football, scientific, chess–it is necessary to preserve the principle of competition, which must be placed at the forefront. The fact is that very often the bourgeoisie shows great flexibility, while we lag behind, since, because of our centralized bureaucracy, we cannot make a turn. We must create more flexible small units, and must therefore form circles of people interested in chess; one group of chess players, and another one a football team, another, a third; and then arrange contests among them. Then we will have a combination of two principles, of public-spiritedness and freedom of action, and not some kind of all-Russian decree. The competitive principle must in all ways be manifested in all games and these must occupy a large place among us.
Finally, I must dwell on this point. Of course it is perfectly natural that the greatest part of your educational work must be in the school and directly in the Union, but such an upbringing must pour out into a whole series of practical work by your members in various arenas of social life. And one of the most important types is direct work in the factories, the propagation of the improvement of factory life, etc. Then there is the struggle with bureaucratism, about which there has been much talk and about which you have constantly passed resolutions; in the countryside the struggle with kulak society, repulsing all organizations of our adversary, an ideological struggle involving all forms of conflicts with the ideological organizations of our enemy. In defending the interests of working youth, the acquisition here of any associational comradely habits and other organizational virtues has enormous significance. Finally, all possible technical help must go to the party and labor unions. We must apply ourselves to an active role in the party and unions. We must perform a series of subsidiary tasks in them, albeit of a technical character, as, for example, the dissemination and distribution of literature. This sphere of activity has enormous significance for your Union, if it is to be put in its appropriate framework.
In conclusion I would like to say that at the present time a whole series of difficult problems, very often being faced by the working class, the party and you for the first time, a whole series of negative phenomena which are connected with NEP, are producing a shuffling of our ranks, and our temporary demoralization. But now time for that has passed. The time has passed for cries concerning the negative aspects of NEP, and these cries must disappear irrevocably, since there is now the possibility to triumph. Unquestionably there is, since we have a human cadre which we can form and reform under conditions of rejuvenating economic life, which is just beginning. At the same time our international position is being consolidated, and from the point of view of an objective analysis, there is nothing which will change this.
So long as we have dealings with young people, it is necessary that their enthusiasm, which was at the fronts of the Civil War, be entirely invested in self-preparation for an enormous future state role. This enthusiasm for knowledge revealed by young people must be supported in every way and must be the axis of all our struggle.
If we make a cadre of excellent fighters in the field of cultural struggle, then we can spread it in several years throughout the breadth of the Republic, and this new network, this new cadre, will carry with honor that banner which was carried by the older generation.
Source: William G. Rosenberg, ed., Bolshevik Visions: First Phase of the Cultural Revolution in Soviet Russia (Ann Arbor: Ardis, 1984), pp. 55-61.