Law of the Finnish Sejm

Sejm, Law on the Supreme Power in Finland. July 5, 1917.

Adopted by the Finnish Eduskunta on July 5 (18), 1917, this law asserted that, with the Tsar's rights as Grand Duke ended, Finland's highest authority in internal affairs rested with its own parliament. Finland's autonomy drive was being converted into a constitutional claim to sovereignty—one soon rejected when Petrograd dissolved the Finnish parliament.

It is hereby decreed: With the cessation of the rights of the monarch, in accordance with the decision of the Sejm of Finland, the following becomes effective:

Article 1. The Sejm of Finland alone decides, affirms, and decrees on the implementation of all Finnish laws, among them those dealing with finances, taxation, and customs.

The Sejm also decides definitely on all other Finnish affairs which were, in accordance with the statutes in force up to this time, subject to the decision of the Tsar-Emperor and the Grand Duke.

The provisions of this law do not extend to matters of external policy or to military legislation and administration.

Article 2. The Sejm meets in regular session without special convocation and sets the time of closing of the session. Pending the publication of a new form of government in Finland, the Sejm exercises, in accordance with Article 18 of the Sejm statute, the right to decide on the conducting of new elections and the dissolution of the Sejm.

Article 3. The Sejm shall designate the executive power of Finland. The Supreme Executive Power is temporarily executed by the economic department of the Finnish Senate, whose members are appointed and dismissed by the Sejm.

Address of the Sejm to the Provisional Government

July 12, 1917

The Finnish Sejm, in accordance with the procedure for publishing the basic laws of the country, established by Article 60 of the Sejm statute, adopted and published on July 18 (new style) of this year the law attached herewith on the exercise of the supreme power in Finland. This law is based on the legal principle that with the deposition of the monarchy, the national representation of Finland has the right to enter upon the exercise of supreme state power on domestic matters of the country.

Thus the internal political freedom of Finland on the strength of clear law and right will rest upon a firm foundation of popular government and will depend upon the personal will of the Finnish people.

According to her constitution, Finland had been in the past also a free state in internal affairs, independent of Russian organs of administration and legislation, although in some local affairs authority belonged to Russia as well. However, Finland's right to internal independence was easily violated in practice as long as Russia was ruled by the Tsar, who was simultaneously also the monarch of Finland.

By law, as the monarch of Finland he exercised Finnish state authority and was bound by the Finnish fundamental laws. In practice, however, he not infrequently and systematically attempted to transfer the right of the Finnish monarch and even the right of the Finnish Senate to the government and legislative institutions of Russia.

The functions and democratic development of the Sejm were suppressed, and, finally, the development of the entire legislation of the country was chained. Hanging over our people was the unbearable scourge of arbitrary rule, oppression, compulsory taxation, as well as hatred and grief. The lawful relations between Russia and Finland were turning into an enslavement of the Finnish people. The deposition of the monarchy by the Russian revolution saved Finland from this.

Moreover, it fell to the lot of the Finnish Sejm to protect and defend, in accordance with the fundamental laws, the rights of the supreme power of Finland, formerly belonging to the monarch, and the freedom of the country.

The Sejm could not, under the changed state of affairs, leave the government authority to Russia, because now, as before, this would be tantamount to limitation of the constituent rights of Finland and would be a serious undermining of the country's political position. The preservation of the internal independence of Finland called for the transfer of the supreme state power in internal matters of the country to the Finnish people in order that it be exercised by her own national organs and her highest instance, the popular representation.

The form of the country's government, operative since the period of Swedish rule, and the even more ancient legislation naturally do not give specific instructions with respect to the present state of affairs. But, in spite of their monarchical spirit, they do make provision for the independent power of the institution of national representation in those cases where the lawful monarch does not exist. In view of the fact that the exercise of the supreme power by Finland during the period of interregnum, which has reigned for the past few months, was not regulated by law, the administration of the most basic matters suffered greatly and could be exercised only with great effort.

However, the Sejm cherished the hope that the lawful conception of the right to self-determination of the Finnish people would soon awaken and find expression in the wide strata of the Russian people. Then the straightforward word was spoken by the revolutionary democracy of Russia. The All-Russian Congress of representatives of the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies expressed its willingness to support and demand the right of Finland's complete self-determination down to political independence. Thus, the Russian revolutionary democracy, itself intolerant of oppression, nobly took under its patronage the hopes of our people to achieve political independence.

However, this congress of representatives thought that the solution of the Finnish question in its entirety could be approved, on the part of Russia, only by the All-Russian Constituent Assembly. But for all immediate and practical purposes, while the congress of representatives enjoined the Provisional Government to take the necessary measures without delay for the realization of Finland's complete self-government, it demanded the recognition of the right of the Sejm to publish and finally approve all the laws dealing with Finland, except those concerning foreign relations and military legislation and administration; also to decide the questions on the convening and dissolution of the Sejm as well as recognition of Finland's right to decide independently upon its executive power ...

The Finnish Sejm does not wish to violate the rights of the Russian citizens and institutions now present in Finland. On the contrary, the Sejm intends to approve and implement at the earliest opportunity the laws that it adopted earlier and that extend to Russian citizens in Finland equal rights with those of the Finnish citizens, both civil and commercial, as well as laws abolishing the special restrictions now existing with respect to Jews.

Likewise the Sejm will see to it that the Russian citizens in Finland enjoy the right to freedom of unions, assembly, and speech without any obstacles. In the event of an actual need for a change in the status of Russians and of Russian institutions present in Finland, Finland will request permission for a preliminary conference with the government authority in Russia about them, as well as about the question of regulating mutual agreements on the manifold mutual economic relations between Russia and Finland.

Peaceful and free cooperation with the Russian people is an important condition for the prosperity of the Finnish people, and, firmly counting on the right-thinking Russian democracy, the Finnish Sejm cherishes the hope that the Provisional Government will find it possible to grant to Finland and her Sejm, in the name of Russia, the rights, established by law, to exercise supreme power in Finland.

Source: Robert Paul Browder and Alexander F. Kerensky, eds., The Russian Provisional Government, 1917: Documents (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1961), pp. 344-347.