The Communist International and the Red International of Trade Unions (Struggle Against the Yellow Trade Union International of Amsterdam). July 12, 1921

This document announced the creation of the Red International of Trade Unions (RILU or Profintern), founded in 1921 as the Comintern’s counterpart in the labor movement. Convening its first congress alongside the Third Comintern Congress, the organization aimed to win unions away from “reformist” leaders, promote revolutionary tactics, and, where necessary, split existing federations to create Communist-led alternatives. Although presented as independent, the RILU worked in close coordination with the Comintern, showing how Bolshevik leaders sought to extend Soviet influence by building parallel international structures in politics and labor.

Original Source: Theses and Resolutions Adopted at the Third World Congress of the Communist International (New York: Contemporary Publishing, 1921)

1. The Fallacy of "Neutrality"

The bourgeoisie is holding the working class in subjection, not only by means of violence but also by the most refined deception. The school, the church, parliament, art, literature, the daily press-all of them represent powerful means of deceiving the working masses, and of imbuing the proletariat with the ideas of the bourgeoisie.

One of the bourgeois ideas, which the ruling classes have succeeded in inculcating among the working masses, is the idea of trade union neutrality, that is, the idea of the nonpolitical and non-party character of the trade unions. For the last decades of modem history, and especially after the close of the imperialist war, the trade unions throughout Europe and in America have become the largest proletarian organizations, in some countries embracing the entire working class. The bourgeoisie is fully aware that the near future of the capitalist system depends on the extent to which the trade unions are going to free themselves from bourgeois influences. Hence, the frantic efforts of the bourgeoisie and their myrmidons, the social -democrats throughout the world, to keep the trade unions at any price in the tradition of bourgeois social-democratic ideas. The bourgeoisie cannot very well invite the trade unions quite openly to support the bourgeois parties. It is urging them, therefore, not to support any party, the revolutionary Communist Party included, but in reality the bourgeoisie means that the trade unions must not support the party advocating Communism.

The doctrine of neutrality (the non-political and non-party character of the trade unions) is not of recent growth. For decades this bourgeois idea has been inculcated in the trade unions of Great Britain, Germany, America and other countries by the representatives of the priest-ridden Christian trade unions, as well as by the leaders of the bourgeois Hirsch-Duncher trade unions, the leaders of the old pacifist British trade unions, the representatives of the so-called free trade unions of Germany and by many representatives of syndicalism. Legien, Gompers, Jouhaux, Sidney Webb have been preaching neutrality to the trade unions for decades. But in reality the trade unions have never been and could never be neutral. Not only is neutrality harmful to the trade unions, it cannot positively be maintained. In the struggle between capital and labor no mass organization of workers can remain neutral. Consequently, it is impossible for the trade unions to remain neutral in their relations to the bourgeois parties and to the party of the proletariat. This the leaders of the bourgeoisie know full well. But just as it is imperative for the bourgeoisie that the masses should believe in the after life it is imperative for them that the trade unions should maintain neutrality with regard to politics and with regard to the worker's Communist Party. For the exploitation of and the mastery over the workers the bourgeoisie needs not only the priest, the policeman and the general, but also the trade union bureaucrats, the "leaders" who preached to the workers neutrality and non-participation in political struggles.

The fallacy of the neutrality idea had become more and more apparent to the advanced proletariat of Europe and America even before the imperialist war. This fallacy became still more apparent as the class contrasts became more acute. When the imperialist mass-murders began in real earnest, the old trade union leaders were obliged to drop the mask of neutrality and to side quite openly with their respective bourgeoisies. During the imperialist war those social-democrats and trade unionists who had been preaching neutrality to the trade unionists for many years, while driving the workers into the service of the most dastardly murder policy, unblushingly assume the role of agents for certain political parties, not for the parties of the working class, but for those of the bourgeoisie.

After the imperialist war these same social-democratic and trade union leaders have again been trying to put on the mask of trade union neutrality, etc. Now that the abnormal war conditions are at an end, these agents of the bourgeoisie are trying to adapt themselves to the new circumstances and want to lure away the workers from the path of revolution to the only path which is profitable for the bourgeoisie.

Economics and politics are closely connected. This connection becomes especially evident in such epochs as the present. There is riot a single important question of political life which does not concern not only the labor party, but also the trade unions, and vice versa. If the French imperialistic government orders the mobilization of a certain class for the occupation of the Ruhr basin and for the strangulation of Germany in general, can it be said that this purely political question does not concern the French trade unions? Can a truly revolutionary French trade unionist remain neutral, and take up a non-political attitude on such a question? Or to use another illustration, if there is in England a purely economic struggle such as the present lockout of the miners, can the Communist Party declare that this does not concern it, that it is a purely trade union question? At a time when the struggle against misery and poverty is the order of the day for millions of workers, when the requisitioning of bourgeois houses is imperative for the solution of the housing problem of the proletariat, when the practical experiences of life force the workers to interest themselves in the question of the arming of the working class, when the seizure of factories by the workers is taking place in various countries, can it be asserted that in such a period the trade unions must not take part in such a struggle and must remain neutral, which really means that they must serve the bourgeoisie?

With all the wealth of nomenclature of the political parties in Europe and America, these parties are to be divided into three groups with regard to their nature:

1) Parties of the bourgeoisie; 2) Parties of the petty bourgeoisie (chiefly the social-democrats), and 3) The party of the proletariat. All trade unions, which proclaim themselves to be non-party and declare their neutrality with regard to the above mentioned party groups, are practically supporting the parties of the petty-bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie.

2. Amsterdam a Bulwark of Capitalism

The International Trade Union Association of Amsterdam represents the organization in which the Second International and the Second and a Half International meet each other and join hands. The whole international bourgeoisie looks upon this organization with assurance and confidence. The principal idea of the International Trade Union Association is at present the idea of the neutrality of trade unions. It is not mere chance that this watchword is used by the bourgeoisie and their lackeys, the social-democrats, as well as the Right Trade Unionists to unite the wide masses of workers in Western Europe and America. While the political Second International that openly took the side of the bourgeoisie experienced a complete collapse, a certain success may be noted in regard to the International Trade Union Association of Amsterdam which wants to act under cover of the idea of neutrality.

Under the flag of neutrality the Amsterdam Trade Union Association undertakes the execution of the dirtiest and most difficult commissions of the bourgeoisie: the strangling of the miners' strike in England (that task was fulfilled by the well-known Thomas, who is at the same time president of the Second International and one of the best known leaders of the Amsterdam Yellow Trade Union Association); the decrease of wages, the organized plundering of the German workers for the sins of imperialist German bourgeoisie; Leipart and Grassmann, Wiesel and Bauer, Robert Schmidt and J. H. Thomas and Jouhaux, Daszinsky and Zulawsky---they have all distributed their roles among themselves: some have exchanged their posts as trade union leaders for ministerial posts in the service of bourgeois governments or for minor government positions, while others who are allied to them in body and soul are at the head of the Amsterdam Trade Union International preaching to the workers of the trade unions neutrality in political struggles.

At the present moment the Amsterdam International Trade Union Association represents the chief support of International Capital. Whoever does not fully understand the necessity of the fight against the false idea of non-political and non-party character of the trade unions cannot fight successfully against this capitalist fortress. In order to decide upon the most efficient fighting methods to be used against the yellow Amsterdam International, it will be necessary to clearly and definitely ascertain the mutual relations between the Communist Party and the trade unions of each country.

3. The Communist Party and the Trade Unions

The Communist Party is the vanguard of the proletariat that clearly recognized the ways and means to be used for the liberation of the proletariat from the capitalist yoke and consciously accepted the Communist program.

The trade unions represent mass organizations of the proletariat which develop into organizations uniting all the workers of a given branch of industry; they include not only the conscious Communists but also the medium and backward ranks of the proletariat, who through the lessons taught by their life's experience are gradually educated to understand Communism. The part played by the trade associations in the period preceding the struggle of the proletariat for the conquest of power and during the period of struggle for power, is in many respects different from the part played by them in the period succeeding the conquest of power. But throughout the different periods, the trade unions represent a wider organization, uniting a greater mass of people than the Party and the relations between the Party and the unions must be the same as between the center and the periphery. Prior to the securing of power, the truly proletarian trade unions have to organize the workers principally on an economic basis to fight for improvements that can be obtained before capitalism is completely defeated. Their principal objective, however, must be the organization of the proletarian mass fight against capitalism and for the proletarian revolution. During this revolution the truly revolutionary trade unions, conjointly with the Party, organize the masses for the immediate attack on the forts of capitalism and undertake the laying of a foundation for social revolution. After the power has been secured by the proletariat the trade unions concentrate the greatest part of their activity to the organization of the economic conditions on a Socialist basis.

During all these three phases of the campaign, the trade union must support the proletarian vanguard, the Communist Party, which takes the lead throughout the proletarian right. In order to achieve this end, the Communists together with sympathizing elements must organize Communist fractions within the trade unions, (which must be completely under the control of the Communist Party.

The tactics adopted by the Second Congress of the Communist International in regard to the formation of Communist fractions in every trade union proved to be fully up to the mark during the course of last year and have given good results in Germany, England, France, Italy and a number of other countries. The principles of the Communist International respecting the participation of Communists in the trade union movement must not be influenced by the circumstance that considerable numbers of politically inexperienced workers have lately left the free social-democratic trade unions not expecting to have any direct advantage from the membership in the same (as has lately been the case in Germany). It is the task of the Communists to explain to the proletarians that they will not find salvation in leaving the old trade unions before creating new ones as this will only turn the proletariat into a disorganized mob; they must be told that it is necessary to revolutionize the trade unions, to expel the spirit of reformism together with the treacherous reformist leaders, and thus convert the trade unions into a real support of the revolutionary proletariat.

4. The Tasks of Our Parties

During the next epoch the principal task of all Communists will be to concentrate their energy and perseverance on winning over to their side the majority of workers in all labor unions. They must not be discouraged by the present reactionary tendency of the labor unions, but take part actively in the daily struggles of the unions and win them over to the cause of Communism in spite of all resistance.

The real test of the strength of every Communist Party is the actual influence it has on the workers in the labor unions. The Party must learn how to influence the unions without attempting to keep them in leading strings. Only the Communist fraction of the union is subject to the control of the Party, not the labor union as a whole. If the Communist fractions persevere, if their activity is devoted and intelligent, the Party will reach a position where its advice will be accepted gladly and readily by the unions.

In France the labor unions are now passing through a wholesome period of fermentation. The working class is regaining strength after the crisis in the workers' movement and is learning to recognize and punish the past treachery of the reformist Socialists and trade unionists. Many of the revolutionary trade unionists of France are still unwilling to take post in the political fight and are prejudiced against the idea of a political proletarian party. They still hold to the idea of neutrality as expressed in the well-known Charte d'Amiens of 1906. The point of view of this fraction of the revolutionary trade unionists may be regarded as a source of great danger for the movement. If this fraction should gain control of the majority in the unions, it would not know what to do with this majority. It would be helpless against the agents of capitalism the Jouhaux and the Dumoulins.

The revolutionary trade unionists of France will remain without definite lines of demarcation as long as the Communist Party itself lacks such lines. The Communist Party of France must strive to work in friendly cooperation with the best elements of revolutionary trade unionism. It is, however, essential that the Party should rely solely upon its own elements. Sections should be formed wherever three Communists are to be found. The Party must at once undertake a campaign against neutrality. It must point out in a friendly but decided manner the defects in the position of revolutionary trade unionism. This is the only possible way to revolutionize the trade union movement in France and to establish close cooperation between the Party and the trade union movement.

In Italy the situation is very peculiar. The majority of the trade union members are revolutionary, but the leadership of the Confederation del Lavoro is in the hands of reformists and centrists whose sympathies are with Amsterdam. The first task of the Italian Communists will be to organize a persistent daily struggle in every section in the trade unions; endeavor to systematically and patiently expose the treachery and indecision of the leaders and to wrest the trade unions from their control. In regard to the revolutionary trade unions elements of Italy, the Italian Communists will have to adopt the same measures as the Communists in France.

In Spain we have a strong revolutionary trade union movement which still lacks a clearly defined goal, and a young and relatively weak Communist Party. In view of the existing conditions, the Party must do everything possible to secure a firm foothold in the trade unions. It must support the unions in word and deed and exercise a clarifying influence on the whole trade union movement. It must likewise establish friendly relations with the unions and make every effort to organize the whole struggle in common.

Important developments are taking place in the British trade union movement which is rapidly becoming more and more revolutionary. The mass movement is growing and the influence of the old trade union leaders is on the wane. The Party must do its utmost to establish itself firmly in the great trade unions (miners, etc.). Every member of the Party must work actively in some trade union, and must endeavor to make Communism popular through active and persevering work. Every effort must be made to get into closer contact with the masses.

The same process is taking place in America, although at a slower rate. Communists must on no account leave the ranks of the reactionary Federation of Labor. On the contrary, they should get into the old trade unions in order to revolutionize them. Co-operation with the best sections of the IWW is imperative; this does riot, however, preclude an educational campaign against the prejudices of the IWW

In Japan a great trade union movement has rapidly come into being, but it lacks an enlightened leadership. The Communistic elements of Japan must support this movement and use every effort to direct it into Marxist channels.

In Czechoslovakia, our party is backed by the majority of the working class, but the trade union movement is, to a great extent, still in the hands of the social patriots and centrists and is therefore divided by nationalities. This is because the Party itself has lacked organization and clearly defined principles among the revolutionary-minded trade unionists. The Party must make a great effort to put an end to these conditions, and to get control of the trade unions. For this purpose the creation of nuclei and of a united Communist Central trade union organization to include all nationalities is absolutely indispensable.

The utmost efforts must be applied in the direction of uniting the various divided national associations.

In Austria and Belgium the social patriots have with great cunning succeeded in getting control of the trade union movement. The trade union movement is the chief field for revolutionary action in these countries. That is why it should have received more attention from the Communist Parties.

In Norway the Party which has the majority of workers behind it, must become more influential over the tirade union movement.

In Sweden the Party has not only to contend with reformism, but also with petty bourgeois tendencies in the Socialist movement.

In Germany the Party is gradually getting control of the trade union movement. On no account should concessions be made to the partisans of the "Leave the Trade Unions" movement. This would play into the hands of the social-patriots. All attempts to expel Communists from the unions must be met by constant and energetic resistance if we are to win over to Communism the majority of the organized workers.

5. Relations of the Communist International to the Red Trade union International

These considerations will define the mutual relations to be established between the Communist International on the one hand, and the Red International of Trade Unions, on the other.

The task of the Communist International is not only to direct the political struggle of the proletariat in the narrow sense of the word, but to guide its entire struggle for liberation, whatever form it may acquire. The Communist International must be not only the arithmetical total of the central organizations of the Communist Parties of different countries. The Communist International must stimulate and coordinate the work throughout class struggle of all proletarian organizations, the purely political organizations, trade unions, the Soviet and cultural organizations, etc.

Quite unlike the Yellow International, the Red International of Trade Unions will in no way adopt the point of view of non-party or neutral point of view. Any organization which would wish to remain neutral with regard to the Second, the "Two and a Half," and the Third International, would unavoidably become a pawn in the hands of the bourgeoisie. The program of action of the International Council of the Red Trade Unions which the Communist International will lay before the First Congress of Red Trade Unions, will be defended in reality by the Communist Parties alone and by the Communist International. On these grounds alone if we are to succeed in carrying out the new revolutionary tasks of the trade unions, the red trade unions will have to work hand in hand and in close contact with the Communist Party, and the Red International of Trade Unions will have to bring each step of its work in agreement with the work of the Communist International.

The prejudices of neutrality, of "independence," of non-party and non-political tactics, with which certain revolutionary syndicalists of France, Spain, Italy and other countries are infected, are objectively nothing more than a tribute paid to bourgeois ideas. The Red Trade Unions cannot conquer the Yellow Amsterdam International and consequently capitalism without repudiating the bourgeois ideas of independence and neutrality once for all. From the point of view of economizing and concentrating blows, the formation of a single united proletarian International would unite in its ranks political parties and all other forms of labor organizations. The future will undoubtedly belong to this type of organization. However, in the present transitional period, given the actual variety of trade unions in the different countries, it is unavoidably necessary to create an International Association of Red Trade Unions, which will on the whole stand for the platform of the Communist International, but which will admit members much more freely than is done by the Communist International.

The Third Congress of the Communist International promises its support to the Red International of Trade Unions, which is to be organized on these lines. To bring about a closer union between the Communist International and the Red International of Trade Unions, the Third Congress of the Communist International proposes that it should be represented by three members on the Executive of the Red International of Trade Unions and vice versa.

The program of action which in the opinion of the Communist International should be accepted by the Constituent World Congress of Red Trade Unions, runs approximately as follows:

The Program of Action

1) The acute economic crisis spreading all over the world, the catastrophic fall of wholesale prices, the over production of goods combined with an actual lack of sale, the militant policy of the bourgeoisie towards the working class, the tenacious tendency towards the reduction of wages and the throwing of the workers far backwards and the growing exasperation of the masses on one side and the impotence of the old trade unions and their methods on the other, impose new problems on the revolutionary class trade unions all over the world. New methods of economic struggle are required. Called forth by the decomposition of capitalism, a new aggressive economic policy of the trade unions is necessary in order to parry the attacks of capital, and strengthen the old position-passing over to the offensive.

2) The basis of the tactics of the trade unions is the direct action of revolutionary masses and their organizations against capitalism. The gains of the workers are in proportion to the degree of direct action and revolutionary activity of the masses. Under "direct action" we mean all forms of direct pressure of the workers upon the employers and the state: boycotts, strikes, street demonstrations, seizure of the factories, armed uprisings and other revolutionary activities, which tend to unite the working class in the fight for Socialism. The aim of the revolutionary trade unions is, therefore, to turn direct action into a weapon of education and fighting ability of the working masses for the social revolution and institution of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

3) The last year of the struggle has shown with particular vividness the impotence of strictly trade union organizations. The fact that workers in one industrial enterprise belong to several unions weakens the struggle. It is necessary-and this should be the starting point of a tenacious struggle--to reorganize the unions so that they are based on a whole industry rather than separate trades or crafts. "One union for one enterprise"--this is the militant motto in the organization structure. The fusion of related unions into one union should be effected in a revolutionary way, putting this question directly before the members of the unions in the factories and concerns and further, before district and regional conferences, as well as before the national congresses.

4) Each factory and each mill should become a citadel of the revolution. Old forms of communication between Tank and file members of the union and the union itself such as money collectors, representatives, proxies and others should be replaced by the formation of factory committees. The factory committees must be elected by the workers engaged in the given enterprise, independently of the political creed they profess. The problems imposed upon the supporters of the Red International of Trade Unions is to involve all the workers of a given concern into the election of their representative organ. The attempt to elect the factory committees exclusively among adherents of the same party, casting aside the broad non-party rank and file workers, should be severely condemned. This would be only a nucleus and not a factory committee. The revolutionary workers should influence and act upon the general meetings as well as upon committees of action and their rank and file members.

5) The first question to be put before the workers and the factory committees is the maintenance at the expense of the enterprise of the workers discharged on account of unemployment. It should not be permitted that workers should be thrown out into the streets without the enterprise being in the least concerned with it. The owner must be compelled to pay full wages to the unemployed and mainly to the workers engaged in the enterprises, explaining to the latter at the same time that the problem of unemployment is not to be solved within the capitalist regime, and that the only way to abolish it is the social revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat.

6) The closing down of enterprises and curtailing of the workers' hours are at the present time the most efficient weapon for the cleansing of the industrial establishments of unreliable elements with the help of which the bourgeoisie is compelling the workers to accept the reduction of wages, increasing of the working day and the abolition of collective bargaining. The lock-out is taking more and more definitely a form of direct action on the part of the employers. For this purpose special controlling commissions should be instituted with regard to fulfilling orders controlling raw materials, in order to verify the quantities of available raw material necessary for production, as well as money resources in the banks. Specially elected controlling commissions must investigate in a most careful manner the financial correlation existing between the given enterprise and other concerns and the practical task of abolishing commercial mastery should be imposed upon the workers for this purpose.

7) One of the ways of struggling against the closing down of concerns for the purpose of reduction of wages and standard of living, should be the taking hold of the factories and mills by the workers and proceeding with production by themselves despite the owners.

Owing to the lack of goods it is highly important to continue production and the workers should therefore oppose the premeditated closing down of factories and mills. In connection with local conditions and the condition of production, the political situation, and the tension of the social struggle, the seizure of the enterprises may and should be followed by other means of pressure upon capital. On taking hold of the concern the management of the same should be confined to factory and workshop committees and a representative of the union specially appointed for the purpose.

8) The economic struggle should follow the motto of an increase in wages and of the improvements of the labor conditions to a much higher degree as compared with the prewar period. The attempts to bring back the workers to the pre-war conditions of labor must meet with the most resolute revolutionary resistance. The exhaustion of the working class as a consequence of the war must be compensated by an increase in wages and the improvement of the labor conditions. The reference of capitalists to foreign competition should by no means be taken into consideration. The revolutionary trade unions are bound to approach the question of wages and labor conditions not from the point of view of the competition between rapacious capitalists of different nations, but solely from that of the preservation and the defense of the living labor force.

9) If capitalists take advantage of an economic crisis to reduce wages, then the task of the revolutionary trade unions should be to prevent the reduction in wages by turn in each separate industrial concern, in order not to be defeated in parts. The workers of enterprises affecting public welfare., such as the mining, railroad, electric, gas concerns and others, should be drawn in at once, in order that the struggle against the onslaughts of capital should touch the very nerve of the economic organism. All means of resistance, from the separate intermittent strike up to the general strike embracing all large fundamental industries on a national scale, are in such a case not only advisable but strictly necessary.

10) The trade unions must consider it their practical task to prepare and organize international action in each separate industry. The interruption in transport or coal mining on an international scale is a mighty weapon in the struggle against the reactionary attempts of the World bourgeoisie. The trade unions must attentively study the course of events all over the world, choosing the most appropriate moment for their economic action, not forgetting for a single instant that international action is possible only when real revolutionary class conscious trade unions are formed on an international scale, having nothing in common with the Yellow Amsterdam International.

11) The belief in the absolute value of collective agreements propagated by the opportunists of all countries, must be met with a resolute and keen resistance from the part of the revolutionary trade union movement. The collective agreement is nothing more than an armistice. The owner always violates these collective compacts when the smallest opportunity presents itself for doing so. The respectful attitude toward collective agreements testifies only that the bourgeois conceptions are deeply rooted in the minds of the leaders of the working class. The revolutionary trade unions, without rejecting as a rule the collective agreements, must realize their relative value and clearly define the methods to abolish these agreements when it proves to be profitable to the working class.

12) The struggle of the labor organizations against the individual and collective employer, while adapting itself to national and local conditions, should utilize all the experience acquired during the previous periods of the struggle for the liberation of the working class. Therefore, every large strike should riot only be well prepared but simultaneously with the declaration of it, there must be organized special detachments for the struggle against scabbing and for counteracting the provocative movement on the part of all kinds of white guard organizations, encouraged by the bourgeoisie and the government. The Fascists in Italy, the Technical Aid in Germany, the civil white guard organization consisting of ex-commissioned and non-commissioned officers in France and in England-all these organizations pursue the aim of disorganizing and forestalling the actions of the workers with the purpose not only to replace the strikers by scabs, but to destroy materially their organizations and kill the leaders of the labor movement. The organization of special strike militia and special self-defense detachments is a question of life and death to the workers under similar conditions.

13) These militant organizations should not only struggle against the attacks of the employers and the strike-breaking organizations, but take the initiative by stopping all freight and products transported to their respective factories and all other enterprises, and the union of the transport workers ought to play a specially prominent part in such cases. The task of stopping the transportation of freight which has fallen on their shoulders can be realized by the unanimous support of all the workers of the given locality.

14) All the economic struggles of the working class should center around the slogan of the Party--"Workers' control over production." This control ought to be realized as soon as possible without waiting for the ruling classes and the government to prevent the initiation of the same. It is necessary to carry on a merciless struggle against all the attempts of the ruling classes and reformists to establish intermediary labor affiliations and intermediary control committees. Only when control is realized directly by the workers themselves will the results be definitive. The revolutionary trade unions ought to fight resolutely against that perverted socialism and graft with which the leaders of the old trade unions, aided by the ruling classes, are practicing. All the talk of these gentlemen about the peaceable socialization of the industry is done with the sole aim to divert the attention of the working class from revolutionary action and the social revolution.

15) In order to divert the workers from their direct problem and instill in them petty bourgeois aspirations, the idea is put forth of workers participating in the profits. This means the return to the workers of an insignificant part of the wealth created by them, and which is called surplus value. This slogan, meant only for the demoralization of the workers, should be met by severe and rigorous criticism: "Not participation in profits, but the entire elimination of all capitalist profit," should be the slogan of the revolutionary unions.

16) For the purpose of crippling or breaking the fighting power of the working class, the bourgeois states have resorted, under the pretense of protecting vital industries, to temporary militarization of individual industrial enterprises or entire branches of industry. For the ostensible purpose of preventing economic disturbances, they introduced compulsory arbitration and exchange of agreements for the further protection of capitalism. Also in the interests of capitalism, the burden of war expenditures has been placed entirely on the shoulders of workers by the introduction of the direct subtraction of taxes from their wages, which turns the employer into a tax-collector. Against these state measures calculated to serve only the interests of the capitalist class the bitterest fight must be waged by the trade unions.

17) While carrying on the struggle for the improvement of labor conditions, the elevation of the living standard of the masses and the establishment of workers' control, it is always necessary to remember that it is impossible to solve all these problems within the limits of the capitalist forms of government. Therefore the revolutionary trade unions, while wrenching concessions from the ruling classes everywhere and forcing them to legislate socialistic laws, should always clearly explain to the workers that only the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat can solve that important question. Therefore, every local uprising, every local strike, and every small conflict should be guided by the above mentioned principle. The revolutionary trade unions ought to make these conflicts general, elevating the consciousness of the workers to the comprehension of the inevitability of the social revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat.

18) Every economic struggle is also a political, i.e., a general class struggle. No matter how great a working class section a given country may contain, such a struggle can acquire a real revolutionary character and result in the greatest benefit to the entire working class only when the revolutionary trade unions act in perfect unity and maintain the closest coordination with the Communist Party of that country. The theory and practice of fostering a split of the workers in the class struggle into two independent parts is extremely detrimental to the present revolutionary period. This struggle requires the greatest concentration of forces, a concentration characterized by the greatest expression of evolutionary energy of the working class, i.e., of all the Communists and revolutionary elements. Dual actions by the Communist Party on the one hand and the red revolutionary trade unions on the other hand are doomed in advance to failure and miscarriage. Unity of action and organic coordination of the Communist Party with the trade unions are therefore preliminary conditions to success in the struggle against capitalism.

Source: Theses and Resolutions Adopted at the Third World Congress of the Communist International (New York: Contemporary Publishing, 1921), pp. 132-149.