Georgi Dimitroff, The United Front of the Working Class Against Fascism, August 2, 1935

The Seventh Comintern Congress met in 1935 amid the rise of fascism and the global economic crisis. It marked the first gathering in six years and brought together delegates from communist parties across Europe, Asia, and the Americas. Under Georgi Dimitrov, with Stalin’s support, the Comintern abandoned its earlier hostility toward moderate socialists, replacing the “social fascism” line with a call for broad unity. The new Popular Front strategy urged cooperation among communists, socialists, and democratic forces against fascism. This shift shaped political alliances in countries like France and Spain and aligned communist movements more closely with Soviet foreign policy before World War II.

Original Source: Seventh World Congress of the Communist International: Resolutions and Decisions. Moscow, 1935.

1. The Seventh Congress of the Communist International declares that the alignment of class forces in the international arena and the tasks facing the labour movement of the world are determined by the following basic changes in the world situation:

   (a) The final and irrevocable victory of Socialism in the Land of the Soviets....

(b) The most profound economic crisis in the history of capitali.sm ....

Despite a growth of industrial production in a number of countries and an increase in the profits of the financial magnates, the world bourgeoisie has not succeeded on the whole either in emerging from the crisis and the depression, or in retarding the further accentuation of the contradictions of capitalism....

(c) The offensive of fascism, the advent to power of the fascists in Germany, the growth of the threat of a new imperialist world war and of an attack on the USSR, by means of which the capitalist world is seeking a way out of the impasse of its contradictions.

(d) The political crisis, expressed in the armed struggle of the workers in Austria and Spain against the fascists, a struggle which has not yet led to the victory of the proletariat over fascism, but which prevented the bourgeoisie from consolidating its fascist dictatorship; the powerful anti-fascist movement in France, which began with the February demonstra-tion and the general strike of the proletariat in r934.

(e) The revolutionization of the toiling masses throughout the whole capitalist world which is taking place under the influence of the victory of socialism in the USSR and of the world economic crisis, also on the basis of the lessons derived from. the temporary defeat of the proletariat in the central part of Europe-in Germany, as well as in Austria and Spain-that is, in countries where the majority of the organized workers supported social-democratic parties. A powerful urge for unity of action is growing in the ranks of the international working class. The revolutionary move-ment in the colonial countries and the Soviet revolution in China are extending. The relation of class forces on a world scale is changing more and more in the direction of a growth of the forces of revolution.

In this situation, the ruling bourgeoisie is increasingly seeking salvation in fascism, in the establishment of the open, terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, the most chauvinist and the most imperialist elements of finance capital, with the aim of putting into effect extraordinary measures for despoiling the toilers, of preparing a predatory, imperialist war, of attacking the USSR, enslaving and dividing up China, and, on the basis of all this, preventing revolution. Finance capital is striving to curb the indignation of the petty-bourgeois masses against capitalism through the medium of its fascist agents who demagogically adapt their slogans to the moods of these sections of the population. Fascism is thus setting up for itself a mass basis and, by directing these sections as a reactionary force against the working class, leads to the still greater enslavement of all the toilers by finance capital. ...

2. The most reactionary variety of fascism is the German type of fascism which brazenly calls itself National-Socialism though it has absolutely nothing in common either with socialism or with the defence of the real national interests of the German people, and merely fulfils the role of lackey of the big bourgeoisie and constitutes not only bourgeois nationalism but also bestial chauvinism.

   Fascist Germany is plainly showing to the whole world what the masses of the people may expect where fascism is victorious. The raging fascist government is annihilating the flower of the working class, its leaders and organizers, in jails and concentration camps. It has destroyed the trade unions, the co-operative societies, all legal organizations of the workers as well as all other non-fascist political and cultural organizations. It has deprived the workers of the elementary right to defend their interests. It has converted a cultured country into a hotbed of obscurantism, barbarity and war. German fascism is the main instigator of a new imperialist war and comes forward as the shock troop of international counter-revolution.

3. In emphasizing the growth of the threat of fascism in all capitalist countries, the Seventh Congress of the Communist International warns against any underestimation of the fascist danger. The congress also rejects the fatalistic views regarding the inevitability of the victory of fascism. These views are basically incorrect and can only give rise to passivity and weaken the mass struggle against fascism....

4. The victory of. fascism is insecure. In spite of the formidable diffi-culties that fascist dictatorship creates for the working class movement, the foundations of bourgeois domination are being further shaken under the rule of the fascists. The internal conflicts in the camp of the bourgeoisie are becoming especially acute. The legalistic illusions of the masses are being shattered. The revolutionary hatred of the workers is accumulating. The baseness and falsity of the social demagogy of fascism is revealing

itself more and more. Fascism not only did not bring the masses the improvement in their material conditions which they had been promised, but has brought about a further increase in the profits of the capitalists by lowering the living standard of the toiling masses, has intensified their exploitation by a handful of financial magnates Thconegress,

however, warns against the dangerous illusions about an automatic collapse of the fascist dictatorship, and points out that only the united revolutionary struggle of the working class at the head of all the toilers will bring about the overthrow of the fascist dictatorship.

5. ... Although the united front movement is as yet only in the initial stage of its development, the communists and social-democratic workers of France, fighting side by side, succeeded in beating off the first attacks of fascism, thereby exerting a mobilizing influence on the united front movement internationally. The joint armed struggle of the social-democratic and communist workers in Austria and Spain not only set an heroic example to the toilers of other countries, but also demonstrated that a successful struggle against fascism would have been fully possible but for the sabotage of the right and wavering of the 'left' social-democratic leaders (in Spain there must be added the open treachery of the majority of the anarcho-syndicalist leaders), whose influence over the masses deprived the proletariat of determined revolutionary leadership and of clarity in the aims of the struggle.

   6. The bankruptcy of the leading party of the Second International, of German Social-Democracy, which by its entire policy facilitated the victory of fascism, also the failure of 'left' reformist social-democracy in Austria, which drew the broad masses away from the struggle even when the inevitable armed clash with fascism was drawing close, have tremen-dously increased the disillusionment of the social-democratic workers in the policy of the social-democratic parties. The Second International is undergoing a profound crisis. Within the social-democratic parties and the whole Second International a process of differentiation into two main camps is taking place-side by side with the existing camp of the reaction-ary elements who are trying to continue the policy of class collaboration with the bourgeoisie, there is being formed a camp of elements who are becoming revolutionized, elements who declare for the establishment of the united proletarian front and are adopting more and more the position of the revolutionary class struggle.

   The Seventh Congress of the Communist International welcomes the aspiration of the social-democratic workers to establish a united front with the communists, regarding this as a sign that their class consciousness is growing, and that a beginning has been made toward overcoming the split in the ranks of the working class in the interests ofa successful struggle against fascism, against the bourgeoisie.

I. THE UNITED FRONT OF THE WORKING CLASS AGAINST FASCISM

In face of the towering menace of fascism to the working class and all the gains it has made, to all toilers and their elementary rights, to the peace and liberty of the peoples, the Seventh Congress of the Communist Inter-national declares that at the present historic stage it is the main and immediate task of the international labour movement to establish the united fighting front of the working class. For a successful struggle against the offensive of capital, against the reactionary measures of the bour-geoisie, against fascism, the bitterest enemy of all the toilers, who, without distinction of political views, have been deprived of all rights and liberties, it is imperative that unity of action be established between all sections of the working class, irrespective of what organization they belong to, even before the majority of the working class unites on a common fighting plat-form for the overthrow of capitalism and the victory of the proletarian revolution. But it is precisely for this very reason that this task makes it the duty of the communist parties to take into consideration the changed cir-cumstances and to apply the united front tactics in a new manner, by seeking to reach agreements with the organizations of the toilers of various political trends for joint action on a factory, local, district, national and international scale.

With this as its point of departure, the Seventh Congress of the Com-

munist International enjoins the communist parties to be guided by the following instructions when carrying out the united front tactics:

1. The defence of the immediate economic and political interests of the working class, the defence of the latter against fascism, must be the starting point and form the main content of the workers' united front in all capital-ist countries....

   While preparing the working class for rapid shifts in the forms and methods of struggle as circumstances change, it is necessary to organize, in proportion as the movement grows, the transition from the defensive to the offensive against capital, steering toward the organization of a mass political strike, in which it is indispensable that the participation of the principal trade unions of the country should be secured.

   2. Without for a moment giving up their independent work in the sphere of communist education, organization and mobilization of the masses, the communists, in order to render the road to unity of action easier for the workers, must strive to secure joint action with the social-democratic parties, reformist trade unions and other organizations of the toilers against the class enemies of the proletariat, on the basis of short or long-term agreements. At the same time, attention must be directed mainly to the development of mass action in the various localities, conducted by the lower organizations through local agreements.

   Loyally fulfilling the conditions of the agreements, the communists must promptly expose any sabotage of joint action by persons or organiza-tions participating in the united front, and if the agreement is broken, must immediately appeal to the masses while continuing their tireless struggle for the restoration of the disrupted unity of action.

   3. The forms in which the united proletarian front is realized, which depend on the condition and character of the labour organizations and on the concrete situation, must be varied in character. ...

   In order to develop the united front movement as the cause of the masses themselves, communists must strive to secure the establishment of elective (or, in the countries under fascist dictatorship, selected from the most authoritative participants in the movement) non-party class organs of the united front in the factories, among the unemployed, in the working-class districts, among the petty townsfolk, and in the villages. Only such bodies (which, of course, should not supplant the organizations participating in the united front) will be able to bring into the united front movement also the vast unorganized mass of toilers, will be able to assist in developing the initiative of the masses in the struggle against the offensive of capital and against fascism, and on this basis help to create a large body of working-class united front activists.

   4. Wherever the social-democratic leaders, in their efforts to deflect the workers from the struggle in defence of their everyday interests and in order to frustrate the united front, put forward widely advertised 'social-ist' projects (the de Man plan, etc.), the demagogic nature of such projects must be exposed, and the toilers must be shown the impossibility of bring-ing about socialism so long as power remains in the hands of the bour-geoisie. At the same time, however, some of the measures put forward in these projects that can be linked up with the vital demands of the toilers should be utilized as the starting point for developing a mass united front struggle jointly with the social-democratic workers....

   5. Joint action with the social-democratic parties and organizations not only does not preclude, but, on the contrary, renders still more necessary the serious and well-founded criticism of reformism, of social-democracy as the ideology and practice of class collaboration with the bourgeoisie, and the patient exposition of the principles and programme of communism to the social-democratic workers.

   While revealing to the masses the meaning of the demagogic arguments advanced by the right social-democratic leaders against the united front, while intensifying the struggle against the reactionary section of social-democracy, the communists must establish the closest co-operation with those left social-democratic workers, functionaries and organizations that fight against the reformist policy and advocate a united front with the communist party. The more we intensify our fight against the reactionary camp of social-democracy, which is participating in a bloc with the bourgeoisie, the more effective will be the assistance we give to that part of social-democracy which is becoming revolutionized. And the self-determination [crystallization] of the various elements within the left camp will take place the sooner, the more resolutely the communists fight for a united front with the social-democratic parties.

   The attitude to the practical realization of the united front will be the chief indication of the true position of the various groups among the social-democrats. In the fight for the practical realization of the united front, those social-democratic leaders who come forward as lefts in words will be obliged to show by deeds whether they are really ready to fight the bour-geoisie and the right social-democrats, or are on the side of the bour-geoisie, that is, against the cause of the working class.

   6. Election campaigns must be utilized for the further development and strengthening of the united fighting front of the proletariat. While coming forward independently in the elections and unfolding the programme of the communist party before the masses, the communists must seek to establish a united front with the social-democratic parties and the trade unions (also with the organizations of the toiling peasants, handicraftsmen, etc.), and exert every effort to prevent the election of reactionary and fascist candidates. In face of fascist danger, the communists, while reserv-ing for themselves freedom of political agitation and criticism may, in election campaigns, declare for a common platform and a common ticket with the anti-fascist front, depending on the growth and success of the united front movement, and on the electoral system in operation.

   7. In striving to unite, under the leadership of the proletariat, the struggle of the toiling peasants, the urban petty bourgeoisie and the toiling masses of the oppressed nationalities, the communists must seek to bring about the establishment of a wide anti-fascist people's front on the basis of the proletarian united front, supporting all those specific demands of these sections of the toilers which are in line with the fundamental interests of the proletariat. It is particularly important to mobilize the toiling peasants against the fascist policy of robbing the basic masses of the peasantry.... While working everywhere among the urban petty bour-geoisie and the intelligentsia as well as among the office workers, the communists must rouse these sections against increasing taxation and the high cost of living, against their spoliation by monopoly capital, by the trusts, against the thraldom of interest payments, and against dismissals and reductions in salary of government and municipal employees. While defending the interests and rights of the progressive intellectuals, it is necessary to give them every support in their movement against cultural reaction, and to facilitate their going over to the side of the working class in the struggle against fascism.

   8. In the circumstances of a political crisis, when the ruling classes are no longer in a position to cope with the powerful sweep of the mass move-ment, the communists must advance fundamental revolutionary slogans (such as, for instance, control of production and the banks, disbandment of the police force and its replacement by an armed workers' militia, etc.), which are directed toward still further shaking the economic and political power of the bourgeoisie and increasing the strength of the working class, toward isolating the parties of compromise, and which lead the working masses right up to the point of the revolutionary seizure of power. If with such an upsurge of the mass movement it will prove possible, and necessary in the interests of the proletariat, to create a proletarian united front government, or an anti-fascist people's front government, which is not yet a government of the proletarian dictatorship, but one which under-takes to put into effect decisive measures against fascism and reaction, the communist party must see to it that such a government is formed. The following situation is an essential prerequisite for the formation of a united front government: (a) when the state apparatus of the bourgeoisie is seriously paralysed so that the bourgeoisie is not in a condition to prevent formation of such a government; (b) when vast masses of the toilers vehem-ently take action against fascism and reaction, but are not yet ready to rise and fight for Soviet power; (c) when already a considerable proportion of the organizations of the social-democratic and other parties participating in the united front demand ruthless measures against the fascists and other reactionaries, and are ready to fight together with the communists for the carrying out of these measures.

   In so far as the united front government will really undertake decisive measures against the counter-revolutionary financial magnates and their fascist agents, and will in no way restrict the activity of the community [communist] party and the struggle of the working class, the communist party will support such a government in every way. The participation of the communists in a united front government will be decided separately in each particular case, as the concrete situation may warrant.

II. THE UNITY OF THE TRADE UNION MOVEMENT

Emphasizing the special importance of forming a united front in the sphere of the economic struggle of the workers and the establishment of the unity of the trade union movement as a most important step in consolidat-ing the united front of the proletariat, the Congress makes it a duty of the communists to adopt all practical measures for the realization of the unity of the trade unions by industries and on a national scale.

The communists are decidedly for the re-establishment of trade union unity in each country and on an international scale; for united class trade unions as one of the major bulwarks of the working class against the offensive of capital and fascism; for one trade union in each industry; for one trade union centre in each country; for one international federation of trade unions organized according to industries; for one international of trade unions based on the class struggle.

In countries where small Red trade unions exist, efforts must be made to aecure their admission into the big reformist trade unions, with demands put forward for the right to defend their views and the reinstatement of expelled members. In countries where big Red and reformist trade unions exist side by side, efforts must be made to secure their amalgamation on an equal footing, on the basis of a platform of struggle against the offensive of capital and a guarantee of trade union democracy.

It is the duty of communists to work actively in the reformist and united trade unions, to consolidate them and to recruit the unorganized workers for them, and at the same time exert every effort to have these organiza-tions actually defend the interests of the workers and really become genuine class organizations. To this end the communists must strive to secure the support of the entire membership, of the officials, and of the organizations as a whole.

It is the duty of the communists to defend the trade unions against all attempts on the part of the bourgeoisie and fascism to restrict their rights or to destroy them....

III. TASKS OF THE COMMUNISTS IN THE INDIVIDUAL SECTORS OF THE ANTI-FASCIST MOVEMENT

1. The Congress calls particular attention to the necessity of carrying on a systematic ideological struggle against fascism. In view of the fact that the chief, the most dangerous form of fascist ideology is chauvinism, it must be made plain to the masses that the fascist bourgeoisie uses the pretext of defending the national interests to carry out its sordid class policy of oppressing and exploiting its own peoples as well as robbing and enslaving other peoples. They must be shown that the working class, which fights against every form of servitude and national oppression, is the only genuine protagonist of national freedom and the independence of the people. The communists must in every way combat the fascist falsification of the history of the people, and do everything to enlighten the toiling masses on the past of their own people in an historically correct fashion, in the true spirit of Lenin and Stalin, so as to link up their present struggle with the revolutionary traditions of the past. The Congress warns against adopting a disparaging attitude on the question of national independence and the national sentiments of the broad masses of the people, an attitude which renders it easier for fascism to develop its chauvinist campaigns (the Saar, the German regions in Czechoslovakia, etc.), and insists on a correct and concrete application of the Leninist-Stalinist national policy. While communists are irreconcilable opponents, on principle, of bourgeois nationalism of every variety, they are by no means supporters of national nihilism, of an attitude of unconcern for the fate of their own people.

2. Communists must enter all fascist mass organizations which have a monopoly of legal existence in the given country, and must make use of even the smallest legal or semi-legal opportunity of working in them, in order to counterpose the interests of the masses in these organizations to the policy of fascism, and to undermine the mass basis of the latter. ...

   7. The communists must take the initiative in establishing anti-fascist mass defence corps against the attacks of the fascist bands, recruiting these corps from reliable, tested elements of the united front movement.

IV. THE ANTI-IMPERIALIST PEOPLE'S FRONT IN THE COLONIAL COUNTRIES

In the colonial and semi-colonial countries, the most important task facing the communists consists in working to establish an anti-imperialist people's front. For this purpose it is necessary to draw the widest masses into the national liberation movement against growing imperialist exploitation, against cruel enslavement, for the driving out of the im-perialists, for the independence of the country; to take an active part in the mass anti-imperialist movements headed by the national reformists and strive to bring about joint action with the national-revolutionary and national-reformist organizations on the basis of a definite anti-imperialist platform....

In the interests of its own struggle for emancipation, the proletariat of

the imperialist countries must give its unstinted support to the liberation struggle of the colonial and semi-colonial peoples against the imperialist pirates.

VI, THE STRENGTHENING OF THE COMMUNIST PARTIES AND THE STRUGGLE FOR THE POLITICAL UNITY OF THE WORKING CLASS

The Congress emphasizes with particular stress that only the further all-round consolidation of the communist parties themselves, the develop-ment of their initiative, the carrying out of a policy based on Marxist-Leninist principles, and the application of correct flexible tactics, which take into account the concrete situation and the alignment of class forces, can ensure the mobilization of the widest masses of toilers for the united struggle against fascism, against capitalism.

In order that the united front may be really brought about, the com-

munists must overcome the self-satisfied sectarianism in their own ranks which in our day is, in a number of cases, no longer an 'infantile disorder' of the communist movement but an ingrained vice. By overestimating the degree of revolutionization of the masses, by creating the illusion that the path had already been blocked in the way of fascism while the fascist movement was continuing to grow, this sectarianism actually fostered passivity in relation to fascism. In practice it replaced the methods of leading masses by the methods of leading a narrow party group, sub-stituted abstract propaganda and left doctrinairism for a mass policy, refusing to work in the reformist trade unions and fascist mass organiza-tions, and adopting stereotyped tactics and slogans for all countries with-out taking account of the special features of the concrete situation in each particular country. This sectarianism to a great extent retarded the growth of the communist parties, made it difficult for a genuine mass policy to be carried out and hindered these parties in making use of the difficulties of the class enemy to strengthen the revolutionary movement, hindered the cause of winning over the wide masses of the proletariat to the side of the communist parties.

While carrying on a most energetic struggle to root out all vestiges of sectarianism, which at the present moment is a most serious obstacle to the pursuing of a real mass, Bolshevik policy by the communist parties, the communists must increase their vigilance in guarding against the danger of right opportunism, and must carry on a determined struggle against all its concrete manifestations, bearing in mind that the right danger will grow as the tactics of the united front are widely applied. The struggle for the establishment of the united front, of the unity of action of the working class, gives rise to the necessity that the social-democratic workers be convinced by object lessons of the correctness of the communist policy and the incorrectness of the reformist policy, and charges every communist party to wage an irreconcilable struggle against any tendency to gloss over the differences in principle between communism and reform-ism, against weakening the criticism of social-democracy as the ideology and practice of [class] collaboration with the bourgeoisie, against the illusion that it is possible to bring about socialism by peaceful, legal methods, against any reliance on automatism or spontaneity, whether in the liquidation of fascism or in the realization of the united front, against belittling the role of the party and against the slightest vacillation at the moment of decisive action.

Holding that the interests of the class struggle of the proletariat and the success of the proletarian revolution make it imperative that a single mass

political party of the working class exist in each country, the Congress sets the communist parties the task of taking the initiative in bringing about this unity, relying on the growing desire of the workers to unite the social-democratic parties or individual organizations with the communist parties. At the same time it must be explained to the workers without fail that such unity is possible only on certain conditions: on condition of complete independence from the bourgeoisie and the complete severance of the bloc between social-democracy and the bourgeoisie, on the condition that unity of action be first brought about, that the necessity of the revolu-tionary overthrow of the rule of the bourgeoisie and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of Soviets be recognized, that support of one's own bourgeoisie in imperialist war be rejected, and that the party be constructed on the basis of democratic centralism which ensures unity of will and action and has been tested by the experience of the Russian Bolsheviks.

At the same time it is necessary to act resolutely against the attempts of the 'left' social-democratic demagogues to utilize the disillusionment among the social-democratic workers to form new socialist parties and a new 'International,' which are directed against the communist movement and thus widen the split in the working class.

Considering that unity of action is an urgent necessity and the surest way to bring about the political unity of the proletariat, the Seventh Congress of the Communist International declares in the name of all Sections of the Communist International that they are ready to begin immediate negotiations with the corresponding parties of the Second International for the establishment of unity of action of the working class against the offensive of capital, against fascism and the threat of imperial-ist war, and likewise declares that the Communist International is prepared to enter into negotiations with the Second International directed to this end

Source: Jane Degras, ed., Soviet Documents on Foreign Policy (London: Oxford University Press, 1951), Vol. III, 355-370.