The Founding of the Cominform

Cominform, Resolution of a Conference of Communist Parties of Nine European Countries. October 4, 1947

The conference states that the absence of connections between Communist parties who have taken part in this conference is in the present situation a serious shortcoming. Experience has shown that such division between Communist parties is incorrect and harmful. The requirement for an exchange of experience and voluntary coordination of actions of the separate parties has become particularly necessary now in conditions of the complicated post-war international situation and when the disunity of Communist parties may lead to damage for the working class.

Because of this, members of the conference agreed on the following:

First, to set up an Information Bureau of representatives of the Communist party of Yugoslavia, the Bulgarian Workers party (Communist), the Rumanian Communist party, the Hungarian Communist party, the Polish Workers party, the All-Union Communist Party (Bolshevik), the Communist party of France, the Communist party of Czechoslovakia and the Communist party of Italy.

Second, the task given to the Information Bureau is to organize and exchange experience and, in case of necessity, coordinate the activity of Communist parties on foundations of mutual agreement.

Third, the Information Bureau will have in it representatives of the Central Committees-two from each Central Committee. Delegations of the Central Committees must be appointed and replaced by the Central Committees.

Fourth, the Information Bureau is to have printed an organ fortnightly and, later on, weekly. The organ is to be published in French and Russian and, if possible, in other languages.

Fifth, the Information Bureau is to be in Belgrade.

Text of Manifesto Establishing Information Bureau

Representatives of the Communist party of Yugoslavia, the Bulgarian Workers party (Communist), the Rumanian Communist party, the Hungarian Communist party, the Polish Workers party, the All Union Communist party (Bolshevik the French Communist party the Czechoslovak Communist 'party, the Italian Communist party, after exchanging opinions on the subject of the international situation, resolved the following declaration:

In the international situation brought about by the second World War and in the period that followed fundamental changes took place.

The characteristic aspect of these changes is a new balance of political forces interplaying in the world arena, a shift in the relationship between states which were the victors in the second World War, their revaluation.

As long as the war lasted the Allied states fighting against Germany and Japan marched in step as one. Nevertheless, in the Allies' camp already during the war there existed differences regarding the aims of the war as well as the objectives of post-war and world organization. The Soviet Union and the democratic countries believed that the main objective of the war was the rebuilding and strengthening of democracy in Europe, the liquidation of fascism and the prevention of a possible aggression on the behalf of Germany, that its further aim was an achievement of an all around and lasting cooperation between the nations of Europe.

The United States of America and with them England placed as their war aim a different goal-the elimination of competition on the world market (Germany and Japan) and the consolidation of their dominant position. This difference in the definition of war aims and post-war objectives has begun to deepen in the post-war period.

The opposite political lines have crystallized: on the one extreme the USSR and the democratic countries aim at whittling down imperialism and the strengthening of democracy. On the other side the United States of America and England aim at the strengthening of imperialism and choking democracy. Because the USSR and the democratic countries stand in the way of fulfilling imperialistic plans aiming at world domination and crushing democratic movements, a campaign against the Soviet Union and the countries of the new democracy was undertaken, a campaign fed also by a threat of a new war on the part of the most sanguine imperialistic politicians of the United States and England.

In this way there arose two camps-the camp of imperialism and anti-democratic forces, whose chief aim is an establishment of a world-wide American imperialists' hegemony and the crushing of democracy; and an anti-imperialistic democratic camp whose chief aim is the elimination of imperialism, the strengthening of democracy and the liquidation of the remnants of fascism.

The battle of the two opposite camps -capitalistic and. anti-imperialist-is waged amid conditions of a further sharpening of the universal crisis of capitalism, a weakening of the forces of capitalism and a strengthening of the forces of socialism and democracy.

Because of the above, the imperialist camp and its directing force, the United States of America, show a growing aggressive activity. This activity evolved at the same time in all spheres: in the sphere of military and strategic activities, economic expansion and ideological warfare. The Truman-Marshall plan is only a farce, a European branch of the general world plan of political expansion being realized by the United States of America in all parts of the world. The plan of the economic and political subjugation of Europe through American imperialism is complemented by plans for the economic and political subjugation of China, Indonesia and South America. The aggressors of yesterday-the capitalist tycoons of Germany and Japan-are being prepared by the United States of America for a new role-as tools of the imperialistic police of Europe and Asia of the United States of America.

The arsenal of tactical weapons used by the imperialistic camp is further very complex. It combines direct threats of force, blackmail and intimidation, all sorts of political tricks and economic pressure, bribery, the using for its own ends of conflicting interests and disagreements with the aim of strengthening its position, and all that is camouflaged by a mask of liberalism and pacifism in order to deceive and befuddle people not too dexterous in politics.

A separate place in this arsenal is reserved for the treasonable policy of the Rightist Socialists of the kind of Leon Blum in France, (Prime Minister) Attlee and (Foreign Secretary) Bevin in Britain, (Socialist Leader Dr. Kurt) Schumacher in Germany, (President Dr. Karl) Renner and (Vice Premier Adolf) Scharf in Austria, (Guiseppe) Saragat in Italy, and so on, who aim at hiding the true face of imperialism behind the mask of democracy and Socialist phraseology while in reality they serve as faithful toadies of the imperialists, bringing within the ranks of labor dissension and disruption and poisoning its conscience. It is not an accident that the imperialistic British foreign policy has found in the person of Bevin its most consistent and arduous spokesman.

In these conditions the anti-imperialistic democratic camp has to close its ranks and draw up and agree on a common platform to work out its tactics against the chief forces of the imperialist camp, against the American imperialism, against its English and French allies, against the Right-Wing Socialists above all in England and France.

To frustrate those imperialistic plans of aggression we need the efforts of all democratic and anti-imperialist forces in Europe.

The Right-Wing Socialists are the traitors in this common cause. With the exception of those countries of new democracy where the Communists and Socialists together with other progressive parties have formed a common bloc in the face of imperialism, the Socialists in most other countries, and especially the French Socialists and the British Laborites-(French, Premier Paul) Ramadier, M. Blum, Mr. Attlee and Mr. Bevin-facilitate by their servile placidity the fulfillment of American capitalistic aims, encouraging it to blackmail, and pushing their own countries on the road to vassal-like dependence on the United States of America.

In this situation the Communist parties are faced with a particularly important problem. They must grasp in their hands the banner of national independence and sovereignty in their own countries. If the Communist parties stand fast on their outposts, if they refuse to be intimidated and blackmailed, if they courageously guard over the democracy, national sovereignty, independence and self determination of their countries, if they know how to fight against attempts at the economic and political subjugation of their countries and place themselves at the head of all the forces ready to defend the cause of national honor and independence, then and then only no plans to subjugate the countries of Europe and Asia can succeed.

The above is one of the fundamental aims of the Communist parties

One should realize between the imperialist desire to unleash a new war and the possibility of organizing a war, there exists a tremendous distance.

The nations of the world do not want war. The forces who align themselves with peace are so numerous and powerful that if they defend hard and without flinching the cause of peace, if they show perseverance and grit, then the plans of the aggressors are doomed to bankruptcy.

We should not forget that the imperialist agents, through their clatter regarding the danger of war, try to intimidate vacillators and weaklings and thus gain through blackmail concessions for the aggressor.

The main danger for the working class at this moment lies in the underestimation of its own strength and overestimation of the force of the imperialist camp.

In the same way as the appeasement policy of Munich led to Hitler's aggression., today concessions to the United States of America and the imperialist camp may cause its instigators to grow even more shameless and aggressive.

In consequence the Communist parties should place themselves in the vanguard of the Opposition against the imperialistic plans of expansion and aggression in all its manifestation whether in the sphere of state administration, politics, economics or ideology and they should at the same time unite and coordinate their efforts on the basis of a common anti-imperialistic and democratic platform as well as gather around themselves all democratic and patriotic forces in their respective nations.

Source: The Strategy and Tactics of World Communism (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1948), p. 165.